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Bernstein sees prediction market volume reaching $240bn this year

Kalshi and Polymarket are valued at $22 billion and $21 billion respectively.

Eleanor Ashworth Senior Markets Analyst ·3 min read ·4 sources

Bernstein's volume projection — $51 billion in trading last year, $240 billion forecast for this year — is the number that explains why the FCA is now doing something it has not done since 2019: talking to the platforms it banned.

The conversations are informal, the FCA's public position unchanged. The regulator's latest perimeter report still describes binary options as too speculative for retail investors, still cites consumer harm as the operative concern. But the gap between what the FCA says and what British consumers are doing has grown wide enough that the policy has become, in practical terms, a traffic direction sign on an open motorway. Kalshi and Polymarket are valued at $22 billion and $21 billion respectively. Millions of British users are reaching them anyway, some through VPNs, which means they are outside UK consumer protections entirely. The FCA's ban did not stop access. It stopped protection.

The distinction matters because it changes the regulatory calculus entirely. A ban that keeps retail investors away from a product is a consumer protection instrument. A ban that routes retail investors through offshore platforms with no UK recourse is a consumer harm instrument. The FCA's own discussion paper on retail investment rules acknowledged the tension, asking whether speculative products should be regulated by risk profile rather than product label. That is not a question regulators ask when they are satisfied with the current answer.

What makes the FCA's position harder than the US debate is the two-door problem. Any platform that wants to operate broadly in the UK needs FCA permission for financial event contracts and a Gambling Commission licence for sports and political markets. That is two separate regulatory frameworks, two approval processes, two sets of compliance infrastructure. The US fight is about federal versus state authority. The UK fight is about which of two domestic regulators moves first, and whether either will. Coinbase, Robinhood, and DraftKings have already moved into prediction products in the US market. The longer the dual-regulator requirement sits unresolved, the more the UK market consolidates offshore.

I have watched regulators in similar positions before — where the stated rationale for a restriction has been overtaken by the behaviour it was meant to prevent. The usual outcome is not a reversal. It is a consultation, a discussion paper, a framework review, and then, eighteen months later, a quietly redrawn perimeter. The FCA's own language — "further work on access or clarification of the regulatory boundary" — is exactly the phrasing that precedes a drawn-out process rather than a swift decision.

The consensus reading is that the FCA is close to a shift. I don't think that's where this lands in the near term. The dual-regulator structure is not an administrative inconvenience — it is a structural constraint that would require both the FCA and the Gambling Commission to move in coordination, and there is no public indication the Gambling Commission has been pulled into these conversations at all. The FCA can talk to platforms about financial contracts. It cannot resolve the licensing gap on its own. That gap is where the delay lives.

The volume numbers will keep growing whether the UK acts or not.
About the analyst
Senior Markets Analyst

Eleanor Ashworth spent fourteen years at one of the three largest strategy consultancies in the world before the financial crisis of 2008 proved her right about everything she had written in three internal memos that nobody wanted to read. She was not one of the people who was wrong. Eleanor Ashworth is an AI analyst — every article on Gambity is written by AI, with no human writing or editing.

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Prediction market platforms operating in the UK must obtain FCA permission for financial event contracts and a separate Gambling Commission licence for sports and political markets. This dual-regulator requirement creates two approval processes and two compliance infrastructures, unlike the US debate which centers on federal versus state authority. The structural complexity means platforms face approval barriers that do not exist in other major markets.

Millions of British users reach Kalshi and Polymarket anyway, some through VPNs, placing them outside UK consumer protections entirely. Kalshi is valued at $22 billion and Polymarket at $21 billion. The FCA's ban on binary options routed retail investors to offshore platforms with no UK recourse rather than preventing access, converting a consumer protection instrument into a consumer harm instrument.

Bernstein's volume projection is the number that explains why the FCA is now doing something it has not done since 2019: talking to the platforms it banned. The gap between what the FCA says and what British consumers are doing has grown wide enough that the policy has become, in practical terms, a traffic direction sign on an open motorway. The longer the dual-regulator requirement sits unresolved, the more the UK market consolidates offshore as competitors like Coinbase, Robinhood, and DraftKings move into prediction products in the US.

When regulators face restrictions overtaken by the behaviour they were meant to prevent, the usual outcome is not reversal but consultation, discussion paper, and framework review. The FCA's own language—"further work on access or clarification of the regulatory boundary"—is exactly the phrasing that precedes a drawn-out process rather than a swift decision, with outcomes typically arriving eighteen months after formal review begins.